During the first years of the Restoration, when Don Manuel was plotting in Paris with the Martos, the Montero Ríos and the Canalejas; when there were many generals who offered him their swords and even Sagastl and Serrano were on the verge of joining the conspiracy, the republican revolution was the constant concern of Cánovas and his master.

Mr. Ruiz Zorrilla, too honest to doubt the good faith of his then friends, confided in them, and what happened was what always happens when dealing with politicians:

The majority abandoned the republican leader to accept a portfolio or a high position, which the monarchy always offers as a sign of peace to the freeloaders. And the unrepentant remained with Muro, Llano and Persi, Santos de la Hoz, Ezquerdo, etc., all furious revolutionaries in their speaking, but the cape has not yet appeared.

If it had not been for Asensio Vega, Cebrián, Mangado, Villacampa and a few others, Don Manuel would have been the plaything for 20 years of men who were nothing more than aspirants to canonries, if not stock market speculators, as a current councilor of this city could serve as a model.

After the pronouncements of Badajoz and Madrid, the entire effort of Martínez Campos and Cánovas was to prevent its repetition, for which purpose the sergeant corps was dissolved, and every chief or officer who had served was purged from the army any leader or officer who had lovingly served the Republic or was merely branded as a liberal.

The monarchy could then sleep peacefully.

And it has been able to sleep peacefully since then, because the revolutionism of the republicans has consisted in forming committees, waiting for orders from the Junta, which in turn awaited them from the chief, who, for his part, continued to promise everything from the army.

And the people?

Most of them were just as sheepish as before: going to vote, forming coalitions, withdrawing, voting again, looking for leaders, always creating directors and masters for themselves.

Only the anarchists took the right path: awakening individual courage, educating themselves through the study of social questions, making proselytes, organizing and federating with the purpose of making the Social Revolution as soon as the propaganda in favor of the General Strike had borne fruit.

If the republicans had joined the people to go to the true revolution, then the loyalty of the soldiers would have been of no use to the monarchy, but they did not do it and now it is too late to try.

Libertarian propaganda has penetrated too deeply into the masses for them to go after professional politicians, who have no means of making a revolution and do not dare to promise anything other than what the other republics have conceded.

For this reason the conscious workers pay no attention to them, knowing only too well what is happening in the neighboring or distant republics, convinced also that in half the time that the others have spent feasting and predicting at a fixed time the day of the new victory, they will be ready for the great battle.

But it will not be a revolution in name but in fact; not to elect deputies of constituent assemblies who will vote for new laws, all sophistical, but to seize all social wealth and organize work in such a way that the products are the property of all and not of some to the detriment of others, as will happen under any government.

When the bourgeoisie sees the Social Revolution upon them, they will try to stop it by offering the Republic, the eight-hour workday, the minimum wage and all the nonsense that has been previously put on the table of politicians; but, just as the Revolution of 1930 in France did by sending Charles X and his belated reforms packing, we anarchists will send the exploiters packing with their false concessions.

The Republic is no longer enough for us.

Let’s prepare for a general strike.

Cero