The ‘Green’ Farce Everywhere & Nowhere Else
towards destroying electric mobility & decarbonizing lies

[ed. – Taken from the German-language website SwitchOff.noblogs.org, this translation continues our interventions in the new climate movements. There are two fronts on which we would like to extend the thrust of the author/s further, in terms of its response to the text reproduced above in this chapter of Return Fire, Targets That Do Not Exist Anywhere Else. Firstly, the proposal below (to focus anarchist attack and critique on the new “green” infrastructure and propaganda) corresponds not only to the proclivities of the author/s, as one worthy cause among many jostling for anarchists’ attention when fighting a domination which can never truly be compartmentalised. Rather, (social acceptance of) the industrial re-structuring underway under the guise of 'solving' ecological collapse forms a strategic choke-point in the pivot of capitalism's latest world-system – “a system that understands itself as global and that mediates political conflict and the flow of resources and information in accordance with a certain logic [ed. – see Return Fire vol.5 pg11],” following Peter Gelderloos' 'Geopolitics for 2024' – as different forms of power are suggested by various elites vying to become the next's architects and win global agreement. His 'Diagnostic of the Future' posited that the discourse around 'climate change' will (or has) become “a linchpin that conditions the governmental and economic crises and also suggests – or even requires – a synthesis in the responses” (namely a “bioeconomic expansion”; see that subsection of the essay), now that eco-catastrophe – especially in the middle latitudes home to several rising powers – is the backdrop:

Currently, the only viable platform from which to launch a new project of interstate cooperation capable of deploying and managing the changes that a bioeconomic expansion of capitalism would require can be found in the response to climate change. Climate change provides a narrative of unified global interests. Any political power that acts in the name of addressing climate change can act in the name of all humanity: this offers the possibility to establish a hegemonic project, the same way that the narrative of democracy and human rights undergirded a hegemonic project after the horrors of World War II [ed. – see Return Fire vol.5 pg61]. Political structures for interstate coordination and global intervention would be justified as holistic measures necessary to save the entire biosphere, and they could also have a justifiably technocratic character, given that the media have successfully framed climate change as a scientific rather than economic or spiritual issue [ed. – see ‘The Principle of Reciprocity’]. [...] As long as climate change is treated as a purely scientific issue, any responses will have to be compatible with the preexisting social relations, funding sources, and regulatory mechanisms through which they are to be carried out. In other words, a technocratic approach to climate change would not threaten capitalism.

Since the above was written in 2017, the self-described “climate movement” revived in the wake of Greta Thunberg’s youthful activism and Extinction Rebellion (see Rebellion Extinction) etc.: yet in a form as often as not clamouring for precisely this kind of technocratic approach, often divorced from previous radical ecological critique of the structures of this society at their base. They can even include some forms of the sabotage called for in the following article, such as the Tyre Extinguishers mentioned below, an open platform – having taken inspiration from Andreas Malm (see the supplement to Return Fire vol.6 chap.3; Green Desperation Fuels Red Fascism), among others – where participants deflate tyres of Sports Utility Vehicles (SUVs) in their city, framing their actions directly as pressure to appeal to government policy; even though they do list electric SUVs as legitimate targets. Attacking the structures of industrial society, “green” or otherwise, is necessary, and so is making sure that in the process we don’t end up supporting – inadvertently or not – the very escape route conjoining austerity and a kind of techno-socialism (see ‘A New Relation with Social Conflicts’) that certain elites project for themselves at our expense.

This would be both tragedy and farce; not least because the system very much needs an impetus from society at large to back a State-level shift, rather than relying on the market to deliver. Returning to Diagnostic of the Future:

[C]apitalists themselves are incapable [of building] the kind of systemic change they need. […] The volatility of the market will never produce the resources necessary for a phase shift in energy technologies. Liberal capitalism would leave us festering – or rather, boiling – in a fossil fuel economy. A rapid shift to a climate change economy will not be possible without most major governments introducing huge policy shifts and legally mandating investment in alternative energies and environmental protection measures as a significant part of their total budgets, on par with health care or military spending.

Capitalism faces a great need for strategic change, for a governmental mandate capable of redirecting social resources on a coordinated, massive scale. This is where the question of different governmental models becomes extremely important, as certain types of government are better suited to make such a shift than others, and some political tendencies are well positioned to seize the platform of climate change, whereas others are incapable.

Already we can see in concrete terms ways that this appears in the context of ongoing struggles; to take one example, the effort to prevent the United States latest ‘Cop City’ being build in Weelaunee Forest, so-called Georgia (see ‘We Laugh Harder Than Them’). In late 2022, an interviewee participating in that fight commented on the Millenials Are Killing Capitalism podcast that “very big industrial factions are relocating their entire industry to Georgia because of the low wages and cheap land, and climate pressures on the West Coast are actually expediting that process: because wildfires and droughts are making it very difficult to continue operating at scale on the West Coast.”

Furthermore, SoftBank (the big Japanese investment firm) has recently pulled lots of their money out of like a gig economy industries, such as like Uber and Airbnb and all this [ed. – see A New Luddite Rebellion]. And these already were the jobs that were designed for the surplus labor potential, the surplus workers of the metro area and of the country. But a lot of those companies are collapsing and ostensibly some of those workers are going to be forced into the Rivian plants, Hyundai plants and Kia plants, all of which are being built around Georgia to build electric vehicles. In the coming years, actually, Georgia will be the number-one place for electric vehicle manufacturing, definitely in the country, I think possibly on Earth [ed. – see also the new nuclear reactor and more power still needed for further water-hungry data centres also now courted by the state of Georgia with tax breaks]. This is a part of the green capitalist plan to continue to racket public funds, because also Georgia and Metro Atlanta is being pitted as somewhat like a refuge city. So literally their bigger plan of this until 2035, 2040, 2050, is to accept huge amounts (millions) of people [ed. – i.e. climate refugees, among others; see the supplement to this chapter of Return Fire, The Swell] from Houston, New Orleans, Mobile, Miami. And of course, these are very Black communities and definitely working class communities. And we can imagine with the kind of pan-urban gentrification, the collapse of remote mobile jobs, reemergence of manufacturing for a few, all of these things... You're just going to have a huge amount of people who don't have a job, have basically nothing to do [ed. – see ‘Something Different Than the Reflection of This World’]. I really think the Cop City idea cannot really be strictly separated from this idea. Because basically, when you have millions of people with no way to survive, you either have to kill or incarcerate them. I mean, you don't actually; you can actually just take care of them. But that's not how our society works.

Attacking on these fronts of capitalist and extractivist development and delivery, if done intelligently, could contribute to weakening one of the main supports the elites have on hand to prop up their rotten system. As the author/s mention, this proposal is already being realised in certain places; one thinks of the repeated arsons of electric vehicle charging stations in German-speaking territories (prying open fans at the rear – or unscrewing the casing from the cable shaft – and letting the accelerant do its work) or, across the Atlantic, the wind farm construction sites repeatedly harassed and burned by rebels on indigenous Mapuche territories (see Return Fire chap.3 pg59), and the metal spikes left hidden in trees due to be felled for the electric vehicle battery factory mega-project outside Montreal – the largest investment by the Quebec government in a private enterprise in that Canadian province’s history – to prevent transformation of the woods and wetlands into part of the projected ‘Quebec Silicon Valley.’ Some revolutionaries in Caen, France, flatly explain why they sabotage charging stations with expanding foam rather than buy into the green-washing discourse:

It’s still the metro-work-sleep (yes, but decarbonized!).

It’s the digitization of the world [ed. – see ‘From Fringe Prophecy into Voguish Ideology’], the loss of autonomy, the destruction of solidarity, mass surveillance [ed. – see Cars as Cameras]…

It’s the misleading presentation of technology as a solution to political problems, it’s the absolute belief in the ideology of progress [ed. – see Return Fire vol.1 pg11], it’s driving straight into the wall (yes, but electric!).

Now, our second elaboration. We have not tired of asserting that resistance to the “green farce” must contain subversion on the social terrain where the latter seeks to implant its acceptance, and not just material attacks which – while we may once have hoped could speak for themselves – without the above element could even risk feeding into the State’s own absorption of ecology as a branch of governance. Yet neither, to stick with the proposal in the article to follow, have we tired of stating the necessity of those attacks, constantly investigating the cracks in edifices both technical and social. While it is beyond the scope of this introduction to apply the question of the text this piece replies to – namely, in each area, what are the targets that don't exist anywhere else? – to this theme, we will limit ourselves to one anecdote, continuing the discussion from a previous chapter (see Capitalism & Electrification) of the 2021-2022 anarchist interventions in the global crisis in the supply-chain of semi-conductor chips. (One UK anarchist analysis of ‘The Cost Of Living Crisis’ then contextualised that “recent shortages in computer chips has in part been caused by a drought in Taiwan, which produces 60% to 70% of the worlds semi-conductor chips. This production is water intensive, and has been hampered by the worst drought in the area for 56 years. Considering how many objects now incorporate some level of computerisation, this shortage has had knock on effects across the entire global economy, from laptops to cars.”)

While not hot on the lips of the climate technocrats, these chips are vital to most of their digital “solutions” (production of the newest cars was severely impacted worldwide, alongside electrical appliances more generally, before rippling out to a staggering amount of economic sectors). “With chips needed in everything (data centres, AI, autos, mining), semiconductors are the oil of the 21st century,” reads a text published by ActForFree.noblogs.org concerning ASML (the Dutch firm producing the hardware that makes the actual semi-conductors, “an unavoidable dependency for all semiconductor manufacturers”).

Spring, 2022: an arson (tagged with the circled (A) of anarchy alongside) of precise wiring elements at the high-voltage transformer supplying the nearby technology plant of STMicroelectronics is conducted in Froges, France, in the high-tech cluster historically key to military, civilian and nuclear development (see Return Fire vol.4 pg38). The company are one of the world’s leading players in semi-conductor design, manufacture and marketing (serving the war industry, automotive sector, 5G – see The 5G Net – and cloud computing, the Internet of Things; see the supplement to Return Fire vol.3; Smarter Prison?). The very next day, while still reeling from the black-out, the facility is again struck down after a fire targeting the cables under a nearby bridge over the Isère river, as is most of the Grésivaudan basin industrial zone, home to several major micro-electronics like companies Soitec, who use nano-technology (see Return Fire vol.5 pg26) to design and produce semi-conductor materials used to make chips for smartphones, tablets, computers, computer servers and data centers. Semi-conductor production was halted in the middle of the night at these two companies, which employ several thousand people and work around the clock due to the unique nature of the multi-million dollar production line.

The sector is highly vulnerable to sudden power outages; even aside from the very high demand for components at that time and ambitious production targets. An article in the French press explains, “Clean rooms, used in particular in the production process of the semiconductor industry, depend on filtered ventilation systems and various sensors (temperature, humidity, etc.) in order to guarantee a very low level of concentration of airborne particles and dust, which must be recalibrated in particular when they are restarted. Not to mention the adjustments to the production equipment itself, which is responsible for combining a high level of quality and volume production, while producing on a very small scale, in the order of a nano-meter. An incident that has already had an impact on the prices of both companies on the stock market, since after a first day of decline following the announcement of this episode (-5.3% for ST and -3.8% for Soitec), the price of STMicroelectronics was still down -3.2% this Wednesday, and -3.2% for Soitec this morning.” Inspecting the machines, removing burned cards and such was predicted to take weeks. “This episode reveals a point of weakness,” mourned director of operations at Soitec: “The redundancy of the power supply sources was not enough to protect us because the criminals attacked all the power supply lines.”

(Little over a week later, at 4.30pm an explosion alerted employees at Inovallée – the region’s main technology park – to another fire set against a high voltage source station feeding the 380-some companies there working in the field of digital technologies, knocking out one of its two generators.)

Not many of us have the ‘privilege’ of proximity to such facilities, of course, and this is after all only one of many forms, objectives and focuses of attack (see ‘To Choose Wisely’), even within the reduced scope of the “green farce.” We trust that in every location, ingenuity, curiosity and courage could carry the day. Happy hunting.]

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The ‘Green’ Farce Everywhere & Nowhere Else

– towards destroying electric mobility & decarbonizing lies

Anarchists, and autonomists, have been slow to respond to green capitalism. Anarchist combatants in France might be the only exception systematically burning wind turbines, electrical and other technological infrastructures.[1] While some years ago German saboteurs ‘call to attack the Green Deal’ by setting fire to the electrical cables feeding the new Berlin Tesla Gigafactory [ed. – see 'Let's Destroy Everything That is Called Tesla!] designed to further solidify gentrification, advance labour exploitation, deplete water resources and demand the global increase in mining so-called ‘transition materials’. And, with these exceptions, social anarchists have largely been slow, maybe themselves even taking the ‘green bait,’ failing to realize that so-called ‘greening’ is the next mechanism to not only justify but to actively expand capitalist plunder of the land, air, sea, water and – equally damaging – the minds of people. Greening, decarbonization, electrification and, even, the concept of carbon itself is an apparatus of psychological warfare – and an attempt at pacifying popular ecological and climatic struggle.

The phrase, ‘with devastation comes opportunity,’ echoes through all the world’s financial centres as floods, droughts, fires and extreme weather and ecosystem devastation spreads at unprecedented rates. Capitalism will not allow, in academic parlance, ‘degrowth’ in any real sense or the living in socioecological harmony with habitats. Equally far-fetched is urban planning that permits life to thrive outside the circuits of capital. Walking and biking are still reserved for the poor, token middle-class gesture (or identity) and the Dutch. The extractive machine continues, now intensifying its push to extract life and mineral from the earth in the name of being ‘environmentally friendly’, ‘carbon neutral’ and ‘renewable’, yet the only things being renewed are the multiplicities by which capitalism kills through industrial activities, near lifeless banal environments, consumer lifeways and enforcing state control. And, ‘yes’, tear gas, tanks and prisons are currently being beautified, decarbonized and greened.[2] From environmentalism to climate justice, greening has tapped into the hopes, fears and indifference of people to propel the existing further into dystopic oblivion. And that is why those that spread fire against Telsa are right: It is necessary to ‘show that we don’t agree with the green lies, the plundering of raw materials or the cities and roads that belong only to the rich.’[3] Big or small, disagreement, rejection and hostility must emerge against electrification, decarbonization and whatever green bullshit, as it is a bullshit with higher social and ecological stakes than we might realize. The best avenue to counter this green pacification and distance ones’ self from this swindle is, of course, to attack it.

In conversations concerning the organization of attack, it’s true the ideal ‘targets’ are those ‘that do not exist anywhere else’. Targets that are costly, not easily replaceable, damage logistics and incur the most damage are the ideal targets, no question. Important, however, is the spread and reproduction of autonomous attack, making available the ideas, techniques and criminal considerations necessary to stay safe and strike at capital and the state. Al Gore- [ed. – see Green Capital & Environmental “Leaders” Won't Save Us] and Greta-induced climate anxiety, the limitation of climate justice mobilizations (e.g. Ende Gelände [ed. – movement organising mass civil disobedience actions against coal mines], etc.) and the Green Party’s political failure to recuperate the Lützerath struggle [ed. – site of combative defence against a coal mine] has brought an enormous amount of attentive critters to consider sabotage, arson and, the authorities worry, strategic assassination. Universities and journalists are clamouring over the rise of “eco-extremism” [ed. – the author/s may be thinking of recent calls by European policing apparatuses to label more acts as “eco-terrorism” (see 'A Few Litres of Gasoline'), and not of what else goes by the self-identified label of eco-extremism; see 'The Position of the Excluded'], and how to manage it. An enduring governmental concern with all sorts of new research funding streams and journalist chatter. The fact remains, however, so-called “eco-extremism” remains legitimate, logical and a healthy emotional, if not spiritual, reaction to the present state of the world.

The ecosystem of actions demonstrated at Lützerath (and elsewhere), Earth Rising (Les Soulevements de la Terre)[4] [ed. – see Struggling and/or Being Manipulated in the Name of the Struggle] as well as the rise of the ‘Tyre Extinguishers’ remain hopeful steps, moving from ‘activist’ hand-holding and self-congratulation to holding each other into positions of attack – lighting up the dark nights with fire, adrenaline and deserved self-satisfaction. The imperative of skill sharing combines with the need to destroy the so-called ‘green’ and all of its ecocidal gymnastics – again: 'decarbonization,’ ‘electrification,’ ‘renewability’, ‘smart’ technologies [ed. – see the supplement to Return Fire vol.3; Smarter Prison?], automation, geoengineering [ed. – see Return Fire vol.3 pg8] and so much more. Capitalist environmental policy and carbon preoccupations are an advancement of entrepreneurial conspiracy, refining political control and setting the stage for eco-modernist [ed. – see 'The Decoupling Thesis'] utopias that surpass the dreams of classical totalitarians. Anarchists, and autonomists, are in a position to share skills enlivening Calcifer’s appetite [ed. – reference to a fire-demon in Diana Wynne Jones' fantasy novel Howl's Moving Castle] to consume earth destroying logistics and infrastructure that entrepreneurs call ecological. Climate youth [ed. – see Why is Youth Liberation So Important in the Climate Movement?], the environmentally and climatically concerned [ed. – see Rebellion Extinction], this also means learning from those who are fighting this capitalist hydra – yesterday, today and tomorrow [ed. – see the supplement to Return Fire vol.6 chap.4; Violence, Non-Violence, Diversity of Tactics]. Ecological struggle did not begin in 2017, it dates back to 1492 [ed. – start of the conquest of the so-called 'Americas'] and the Imperial Civilizations before that date [ed. – see Return Fire vol.2 pg6].

Indeed, constructing political unity is pointless [ed. – see 'Not Fighting the Same Fight'] but there is no shortage of common cause. This text affirms the necessity to wage war on the ‘Green Deal’, as it was called. Global environmental policy is a cynical joke, which nobody should tolerate. War is peace; malls are freedom; and environmentalism is ecocide – it’s psychotic. Environmental policy constitutes rapacious mineral mining (in addition to existing oil, coal, natural gas and nuclear infrastructure);[5] creating even more material and energy intensive automobiles and branding them as ‘electric.’ All the while intensifying the production of heavy electrical infrastructure and, worse, digital and smart technologies to monitor consumption[6] [ed. – see Return Fire vol.4 pg36]. Material and energy consumption is increasing alongside social and ecological catastrophe: decarbonization and the green economy is an intensification of capitalist dystopia and renews itself by political swindle that feeds on our carelessness, apathy and false hopes. Besides rebranding existing inequalities, police control and miserable work, the greening of capitalism is a clear attempt at intensifying the existing and disabling peoples’ real social and ecological concerns and, naturally, direct actions. There is good reason to attack green infrastructure everywhere and nowhere else – kill electric mobility and the racist supply-chains it refashions [ed. – see Their Sustainability is a Disaster – Let's Smash It].

Electric mobility is a sham that is intensifying mining for lithium, cobalt, various metals, digital components and spreading new charging station infrastructure everywhere. Charging stations should be attacked everywhere. This transition to renewing extraction and green marketing needs to be stifled, and, if possible, killed by all and every bit of human creativity and joyful ingenuity available. While charging stations and electric vehicles spread, their production – as well as the military equipment and conventional capitalist operations – are now being justified with so-called ‘green mining.’ This mining public relations stunt, aided and abetted by governments, is done by ‘decarbonizing’ vehicles, and enormous dump trucks, with lithium-ion batteries and electrified pully systems; powering mines partly on wind, solar and hydrological infrastructures; employing internet-controlled environmental sensors (e.g. ‘remote environmental measuring’); automating and electrifying underground mining equipment. More digitalization, more spatial control, more chemical processing, manufacturing and poisoning of the environments to justify more mining as ‘green’, ‘sustainable’ or ‘responsible’[7] [ed. – see 'Gállok is the Name of a Place']. This psychological thievery – and sheer cynicism unafraid of consequences – demands swift and sustained retaliation. Racism is now justified and branded as green, sacrificing the people and ecologies of rural and marginalized communities everywhere, but with greater intensity in the Global South, so middle-class families can ‘feel good’ buying Tesla’s and ride electric bikes instead of carrying themselves (and their kids) with their own efforts. Ecosystems, the poor, Black and Brown carry this cost for overdeveloped convenience and incapability founded on carelessness and actively preserving ignorance. This green delusion and, occasional, righteousness is insufferable – it must be destroyed.

The technological factories, vehicle equipment, internet and new mining infrastructures ‘elsewhere’ are great targets but require some extra homework, planning and preparation [ed. – see Cars as Cameras]. Mining, and the job-seeking humans propelling it, is the basis of capitalist reproduction and expansion – green or otherwise – and should remain priority targets. The Green Deal needs sustained attack everywhere from charging stations, towers hosting ‘private wireless access points’ and Tesla cars – to industrial zones ‘elsewhere’ hosting electrical, manufacturing and mining infrastructure. Volvo, Volkswagen [ed. – see 'The First Smart Island'], Telsa and every other automobile brand are tripping over Euro-American climate and environmental policy and working to establish their mining supply chains across Latin America, Africa, Asia and Europe (e.g. Finland, Norway, Portugal, Serbia, France, Spain) to advance their competitive electric vehicle fleets. There are no shortage of targets and no shortage of anxious, depressed and angry people ‘who care about the environment’, but somehow they fail to attack this system that organizes their life to slowly kills them. Killing electric mobility before it spreads, scales-up and further erases social and ecological knowledge(s), remains imperative. Financial investors operating these death industries are central players, all too eager to believe in the green marketing themselves as they fill their bank accounts with legally plundered loot.

Attacking insurance companies, moreover, is a force multiplier for spreading economic damage. The insurance companies backing mining companies are key logistical bottlenecks for capitalist expansion. Road, internet and manufacturing logistics – especially smelters – remain other sites everywhere and elsewhere. Oil, coal and natural gas infrastructure, we must remember, powers and spreads electric vehicles and the whole Green Deal package subsists on existing fossil fuel infrastructures [ed. – see 'The Ecological Transition is a Hoax']. Anti-coal action, especially considering the role of coke coal plays in metal smelting, is also an attack on the Green Deal [ed. – note the coking coal mining operation proposed in Whitehaven, England, site of a week's occupation for the Earth First! summer gathering last year]. What is important, especially given the environmental discourse of weekend warriors, is connecting the dots of ecocide and how destruction renews itself on the backs of our ignorance, apathy and carelessness. Dignity is only reclaimed through attack and sustaining economic damage and making extractive activities inoperable by every means. And, for the weary of heart, do not forget this is self-defence against ecocidal industries, our present existence and future – for ourselves, our friends and those who cannot speak and yet consume the chemicals of this machine by slow and quick death.

Can social war be sustained against the Green Deal? The capacity to act and spread attacks by easily reproducible means continues to remain imperative. Developing solidarity alongside global digital supply-chains, while demonstrating transnational capabilities to attack extractive infrastructure, profiteers and their insurers, all the while evading their mercenaries remains an enduring objective. The Gigafactory saboteurs are exemplars in making this solidarity, highlighting German investments to death projects in Mexico. Yet, where are the compañeres [ed. – see 23 Theses Concerning Revolt]? Has capitalism broken people into scrabbling for jobs from mining projects or NGOs? The attack on the green and decarbonization must spread.

There is, however, a sustained disconnection between all the anti-mining ‘activism’ and conferences across the world and autonomous direct action. Activist bureaucrats understanding, let alone visualizing, the possibility of attack still remains difficult, so much so it frequently results in paranoid claims of conspiracy theory and ‘false flags’ when effective action is taken [ed. – see Eric Laursen Owes Me a Lamp]. These people have ceded their power, imagination and possibilities to counter-bureaucracies designed for political pacification and retirement [ed. – see Green Capital & Environmental “Leaders” Won't Save Us]. The importance of spreading actions and the existence of them to remind the youth and the resigned activist bureaucrat that people are still fighting – inflicting real consequences on ecocide and the deception that maintains it – remain imperative. NGOs, activist bureaucrats and civil administrators cannot be allowed to hide and bury this struggle against extractivism, green or otherwise.

This proposed social war against the Green Deal should be global, cutting through the green façade that has everyone tripping over themselves (with the exception of action groups in France, Germany and Italy [ed. – see 'The Ecological Transition is a Hoax']). Spreading war on faux environmentalism emerges as a capitalist ‘choke point,’ and the potential to save ecosystems from the renewed mining rush that magically transformed mining companies into environmentalists.

The only thing more abundant than earth destroying companies, is an anxiety and rage to reverse this ecocidal trajectory maintained by state domestication.

Time to give homage to the spirits of the forest, water, air and soil [ed. – see Riots & Eagles], bow to the sun and play under the moon, by spreading war against this green death machine. This means reminding the ‘climate youth’ that the secret is to really begin to attack the targets everywhere and elsewhere as seen fit. This is the only remedy to depression and climate anxiety – make friends and make a mess of your enemies.

As a wall with black paint once said: ‘Some very rich people need to feel the suffering they cause if things are going to change… have fun.’

Love to all those waging their war on this system, for their lives and others.

[1] See Fragments of the Struggle Against this World’s Juice lille.indymedia.org/IMG/pdf/nuclear_or_lignite_fragments_of_the_struggle_against_this_world_s_juice_from_the_bois_lejuc_to_the_hambach_forest.page_by_page.pdf and Face to Face with the Enemy: A brief overview of last year’s attacks against power in France 2020-2021 ia903104.us.archive.org/24/items/ZineArchive/face_to_face_france_2020_2021.pdf

[3] Fifteen Tesla Vehicles Set Alight unoffensiveanimal.is/2023/10/05/fifteen-tesla-vehicles-set-alight

[4] See Breaking Ranks: Subverting the Hierarchy and Manipulation Behind Earth Uprisings actforfree.noblogs.org/post/2023/07/12/breaking-ranks-subverting-the-hierarchy-and-manipulation-behind-earth-uprisings-usa

[5] ourworldindata.org/energy-mix

[6] Green Mining is a Myth friendsoftheearth.eu/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Green-mining-myth-report.pdf

[7] Responsible Mining in Europe: A New Paradigm to Counter Climate Change vimeo.com/762229908